In security terms, the prevention of nuclear attacks and accidents is a lowest common denominator, even for a region wracked by conflict and strategic competition. More consequentially, in the following week Israeli forces killed four and wounded ten Palestinian protestors in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
But then Trump contradicted himself in a January 3, tweet, where he stated: Read the Syria Crisis Education Strategic Paper, which is meant to support the overall fundraising objectives and guide discussions on key strategic shifts that need to take place in education.
The final section provides recommendations for security- and confidence-building measures that can both decrease tensions and establish security cooperation precedents.
Although the region has experienced devastating interstate wars in the past, the cumulative impact of escalating violence, eroding and failing states, sharpened threat perceptions, and increasing spillover effects renders the current juncture grim and brittle.
The third section examines the future of regional security dialogue, and grapples with the thorny but unavoidable issue of non-Arab regional and outside parties and their role in Middle Eastern security efforts. Key regional and outside parties, chief among them the United States, are seeking to acclimatize to this new security environment.
Any effective conversation about reform and stability ought to address the security threats, fears, and domestic politics that underlie government decisions.
Nonetheless, this final report argues that regional countries and interested outside parties should invest now in low-key efforts to help build conflict-prevention capacity. Further, even though language and culture link much of the Middle East, the power of major non-Arab countries—Iran, Israel, and Turkey—creates additional complications and gaps.
Ideally, any effective conversation about regional reform and stability would address the tangible security threats, sometimes exaggerated fears, and visceral domestic politics that underlie the decisions of largely autocratic governments.
The project was conceived inas it became starkly evident that the period of optimism and promise that followed the genuine political openings created by the Arab uprisings had been eclipsed by the violence, repression, and polarization that followed.
Bassel Salloukh grapples with the increasing and often destructive importance of armed nonstate actors, whose power and influence have increased as the Arab state system has eroded.
Jones states that even though back-channel diplomatic engagements invite significant optimism in some quarters, only modest progress should be expected from them. Regional states, pushed by outside powers, recognized the importance of a more robust security architecture and established the Arms Control and Regional Security ACRS working group.
She reviews previous unsuccessful attempts and summarizes key lessons learned, and recommends practicable ways to begin to create a Middle East multilateral security forum that may avoid the mistakes of the past.
Learn more about the crisis: The dysfunctional and tense political relationships that mark the region and the strategic importance accorded to it by global powers have shifted the locus of decision-making and strategic planning away from regional actors and organizations, and toward outside players.
It will also be essential if the United States is to create a more rational and sustainable regional policy, one that adopts a more balanced posture in keeping with its actual interests. In Egyptthe quality of the school environment in public schools is a significant barrier to the enrolment and retention of 40, Syrian children, as are the difficulties they face in adjusting to the Egyptian dialect and curriculum.
In Iraqthere are an estimated 64, child refugees from Syria. The second section delves into current efforts to adapt regional security strategy and fashion approaches to collective defense.
Those opportunities may in turn engender greater trust and galvanize other confidence- and peace-building steps. Education is key for their survival, their protection, and ability to rebuild a peaceful Syria.
The new Syria crisis education fact sheet finds that five years of conflict have tripled the proportion of Syrian children out of school, from 0. The original declaration insisted that the decision did not affect final status negotiations regarding Jerusalem, a position that was confirmed by then secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, a few days later.
A total of 2. With the United States changing its regional role and seeking to lessen its regional burdens, the Arab Gulf states have begun to hedge their reliance on external partners.
New Foundations for Security in the Middle East. Those shifts will have a profound impact on regional conditions, not least because such adjustments run the risk of exacerbating the current regional predicament by further militarizing responses to instability and insecurity.
Among the greatest challenges facing regional security dialogue is the absence of effective mechanisms for dialogue in the region, owing to the lack of diplomatic links among foes and the persistence of conflict.
And yet this start line feels different than the one in quaint Hopkinton, where the Boston Marathon begins. Such developments often have had counterproductive and destabilizing outcomes, but political, economic, and security collaboration is more open for discussion than at any period since the end of the Cold War sparked a brief moment of creative proposals.
Much of this discussion is not directly concerned with ongoing efforts at cooperative security, but these reports provide important insights into the broader regional security environment. However, any examination of the regional security environment makes it clear that the region faces real threats from nonstate actors, proxy forces, and interstate rivalry and conflict against a backdrop of sectarian polarization and radicalization.Risks and Instability in the Middle East and North Africa in January 14, There is no easy way to provide an overview of all of the risks and issues that will shape the stability of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in The International Crisis Group is an independent, The sense of public spaces [in Turkey] becoming more unsafe is fed by the tendency of criminal networks to use Syrian men and women for theft, prostitution drug sales and the like, and Syrians are blamed for disruption of public order and safety.
Report / Middle East & North Africa.
The second phase of NVSP is one of the most innovative youth projects in the Middle East and North Africa region. First, through the scale-up, Syrian refugee youth in the targeted communities will be able to serve their communities alongside their.
The conflict in Syria continues to drive the largest refugee crisis in the world, with million Syrian refugees registered in the region. Nearly half (48%) are children.
About 92% of Syrian refugees live in host communities in very precarious living conditions.
Depleted resources, the high cost. Already, youth unemployment in the Middle East region is among the highest in the world. Employers complain of youth’s lack of transferable. Training in the Middle East and North Africa Workshop Report Amman, Jordan May International Labour Organization.
International particularly within the context of the Syria Crisis. The structure of the Report is as follows: • Low access rates to TVET by Syrian youth at secondary and tertiary education levels is a grave concern.Download